Oleksiy Volovych
Russia-Germany Political and Economic Relations
The USSR's and the Russian Federation's political relations with the Federal Republic of Germany have always been a priority in the European direction of the Kremlin's foreign policy because the economic potential and therefore political influence of this state have always been crucial for the formation of the European Union's policy. Even in the times of German chancellors Willy Brandt, Helmut Schmidt, Helmut Kohl and Gerhard Schroeder, between Germany and the Soviet Union and then the Russian Federation have traditionally evolved stable and mutually beneficial large-scale relations. All the above-mentioned German leaders tried to establish good personal relationships with leaders of the USSR and Russian Presidents within the framework of the German Ostpolitik policy, which since 1991 has been transformed into politics of “rapprochement through interdependence” to “civilize” Russia, through its involvement in the European format of bilateral relations with the help of economic, political and social relations.
Special political rapprochement between Germany and Russia was observed in the time of Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder and President Vladimir Putin, who made good friends. In 2005 (the end of the rule of Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder) German-Russian relations reached a high enough level. Having become the Federal Chancellor (in November 2005), Angela Merkel, unlike her predecessor, showed pragmatism and restraint towards Russia, having determined strengthening the alliance with the United States as the main foreign policy priority of Germany. In 2010, Russian President Dmitriy Medvedev and Chancellor Angela Merkel signed a Memorandum of considering the possibility of creating a Russia-EU Committee on Foreign Policy and Security, but it never came to the practical creation of this committee.
Non-governmental organizations play a significant role in the development of Russia-Germany contacts. The NGO “German-Russian Forum”, founded in 1993, was aimed at developing a dialogue between Germany and Russia. The members of this organization are prominent politicians, economists, scientists, people from media and culture of both countries. In 2001, the Russian-German discussion forum of representatives of the public of the two countries — the “Petersburg Dialogue” — was founded and meets annually. October 22-24, 2015, Potsdam hosted the 14th meeting of the Forum under the title — “Modernization as a Chance to Create a Common European Home”.
Economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Federative Republic of Germany is extremely important for both countries. According to the Ministry of Economic Development of the RF, since 2012 the trade turnover between Russia and Germany has been decreasing: in 2012 — 80.8 billion Euros, in 2013 — 76.5 billion Euros, in 2014 — 67.7 billion Euros, in 2015 — 51.4 billion Euros. The demand for German products in Russia fell sharply in 2015 due to the devaluation of the ruble, substantial outflow of capital, trade sanctions, and falling oil prices. It should be noted that in 2015 the RF's trade turnover decreased not only with Germany, but in general with the European Union. While in 2013, Russia's trade with the EU countries amounted to 417 billion US dollars, and in 2014 — to 380 billion US dollars, in 2015 it dropped to 230 billion US dollars. In an interview with the German edition of Bild January 13, 2016, Putin predicted a drop in bilateral trade by the end of 2016 to 40 billion US dollars, i.e. by 50 % as compared with 2012.
According to the Federal Statistical Department of Germany, in 2015 Russia ranked third among Germany's trading partners in Eastern Europe, after Poland (96.5 billion Euros) and the Czech Republic (75.7 billion Euros) and was the thirteenth in the world after the USA, France, the Netherlands, China, Great Britain, Italy, Poland, Austria, Switzerland, Belgium, the Czech Republic and Spain.
While Germany has traditionally ranked first in the Russian foreign trade — about 15 %, the trade with Russia is only about 3 % of Germany's total foreign trade. Russia's main exports to Germany are energy carriers. About 30 % of gas and 20 % of oil are imported by Germany from Russia. The impact of the EU's sanctions against Russia to the German economy is negligible. They constitute a serious problem for German companies operating in Russia. According to the Director of the IFO Institute for Economic Research in Munich, Professor Hans-Werner Sinn: “Russia is much more dependent on Europe than Europe is on Russia”.
According to the Russian-German Chamber of Commerce, in 2014 in Russia there were about 6 thousand German companies, of which 3 026 companies are registered in Moscow, 763 — in St. Petersburg, and the remaining 2 211 — in other regions of Russia. According to some estimates, today some 400 companies have ceased their activities in Russia and about a thousand are going to do so in the coming months.
Today, many German politicians and the German Bundestag deputies call to freeze economic relations with Russia. And in this they feel the growing support from the leaders of German industry. Thus, CEO of the Federation of German Industries Markus Kerber equates the Ukrainians' dream of independence from Russia to the feelings of the Germans during the fall of the Berlin Wall. According to him, Germany's industry cannot turn a blind eye to Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Kerber has pointed out that “the Kremlin's violation of international law should worry every entrepreneur who wants to achieve his rights in Eastern European investments, so let the government take any decision on sanctions — it has our support”.
Chancellor Angela Merkel's principled position in regard to Russia's aggression against Ukraine
In the first years after the appointment of Angela Merkel to the post of Chancellor of Germany, between her and Putin was established friendly and trusting relationship. It was easy for them to communicate as both have a good command of the languages: Merkel — of Russian and Putin — of German. From her becoming Chancellor of Germany in 2005 and to the early 2014, Angela Merkel for a long time was considered if not “a friend”, then at least one of the few Western politicians, who could have a constructive partner dialogue with Putin on a parity basis.
In 2014, relations between Russia and Germany significantly deteriorated due to the Russia's annexation of the Crimea and its supporting separatists in the Donbas. From the very beginning of the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation, Merkel took a principled position regarding Russia's aggression against Ukraine, regularly threatening the Kremlin with economic sanctions of the third level. A. Merkel kept reminding that the peace order in Europe for the last 70 years was based on the implicit principle of territorial integrity of states and inviolability of their borders. However, at this the official Berlin tried not to use too harsh actions against Moscow, leaving the possibility of a dialogue with the Kremlin, taking into consideration the fact that the German economy was still to some extent dependent on the Russian market and energy.
Shock for A. Merkel was the statement by Vladimir Putin during a four-hour talks with her on the sidelines of G-20 summit November 15, 2015 in Brisbane, that Kyiv's relations with the separatists have to be the same as Moscow's in Chechnya — “ they have to be bought by autonomy and money”. This V. Putin's statement caused A. Merkel's extreme indignation. In her speech to local students A. Merkel accused Russia that it “is setting fire to the steppe” from Georgia to Trans-Dniester and from Nagorny Karabakh to Ukraine. She also expressed concern over the Russian initiatives in Serbia and Bosnia, which counteract the EU's policies.
In our view, A. Merkel's difficult and fruitless dialogue with V. Putin in Brisbane was a turning point in her attitude to the Russian President. It seems, at that moment she finally understood that the dialogue with V. Putin without imposing sanctions would be useless. Putin's aggressive attitude to Ukraine can be changed only by political pressure on the part of the whole European community and by strengthening of economic sanctions against Russia.
Chancellor A. Merkel keeps trying to persuade V. Putin that the large-scale and mutually beneficial cooperation with the EU will bring Russia much more dividends than confrontation. Speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos, January 22, 2015, A. Merkel said that in case of a peaceful settlement of the conflict in the Donbas, the German government and the European Union could consider V. Putin's proposal on the establishment of a broad free trade area “from Lisbon to Vladivostok”. At the same time, A. Merkel once again strongly supported the continuation of sanctions against Russia if Moscow does not give up its aggressive policy towards Ukraine and Europe.
Germany's efforts are focused not only on the location and settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, but also on the development of Ukraine as a self-sustaining European state. According to the Chairman of the German-Ukrainian Parliamentary Group Karl-Georg Wellmann, for this purpose in the Bundestag is currently being developed a “Marshall Plan for Ukraine” as a supplement to the Association Agreement. The aim of this plan is to stabilize the socio-political situation in Ukraine, restoration of its economy, governance, modernization of the judicial system for the expense and the supervision of Germany. At this, Ukrainians are supposed to do their “homework”, as did the Poles after the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU more than 20 years ago.
V. Putin's aggressive policy has forced the German government led by A. Merkel to resort to the development of a new security strategy. In February 2015, the FRG Defence Minister, Ursula von der Lyayen said that Germany was developing a security strategy in which the relationship with Russia would be determined in a different way. “Russia's aggressive actions against Ukraine radically change the security architecture in Europe. Germany must find an adequate response to the policy of Russian President V. Putin, and at the same time not to indulge in illusions. The Kremlin's new policy began long before the Ukrainian crisis, and we will have for a long, long time to deal with this problem,” said Ursula von der Lyayen.
Putin Versteher — “the One Who Understands Putin”
Two years ago, the number of V. Putin's fans, called in Germany “Putin Versteher” (“the one who understands Putin”), among the German political elite and the business was much greater than it is today. On the one hand, this happened due to V. Putin's clearly destructive and aggressive policies in the spirit of the 1930s of the last century, and, on the other hand — thanks to the consistent explanatory work of the German government.
A great friend and more recently advocate of Russia, is considered to be the ex-Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, who constantly emphasizes his personal friendship with V. Putin, and points out that he understands Russia's position, although, as he said, “understanding does not mean absence of criticality”. In his public speeches, G. Schroeder has repeatedly called to “build bridges between Germany and Russia”. According to him, “Russia has an alternative to Europe, but not vice versa”. In general, G. Schroeder approves the actions of Chancellor A. Merkel and Foreign Minister F.-W. Steinmeier: “Their efforts are aimed at not letting break the thread of the dialogue with Moscow, and deserve high appreciation”.
According to the magazine Der Spiegel, trying to influence Merkel's position about lifting sanctions against Russia, the Kremlin resorts to attempts to use the authority of the 85-year-old former Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who is popular and respected in Germany. According to Der Spiegel, V. Putin has sent several letters to Mr. Kohl, asking him to support Moscow in its attempts to get rid of sanctions. However, this information has not been confirmed either by the Kremlin or by Helmut Kohl's office. Previously, H. Kohl had repeatedly stated about the danger of Russia's isolation for European security. He also stated, “the West bears part of responsibility for the crisis in Ukraine”.
The patriarch of the German policy, former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt (died November 10, 2015 at the age of 96), used to criticize the leadership of the European Union with regard to Ukraine, calling the behavior of Brussels “megalomania”. In an interview with German weekly Bild, Helmut Schmidt said, “the European Union and the United States, building the policy towards Ukraine, do not realize that the cultural and historical differences between the population of the west and the east of the country are enormous”. In March 2014, H. Schmidt called the EU and US sanctions against Russia “foolishness” and said that he “understands Russia's actions in the Crimea”.
The Prime Minister of Bavaria and Chairman of the Christian Social Union (CSU) Horst Seehofer has lately acquired the image of “the main critic of Merkel”. H. Seehofer is also known for his statements about the need for close cooperation with Russia and proposals to revise the West's sanctions against Moscow. February 3-4 H. Seehofer was on a visit in Moscow, where he was received by V. Putin. Many observers believe that in the face of H. Seehofer, the Kremlin hopes to find its new ally in Germany, who could help to change the political course of Chancellor A. Merkel. Many German politicians, both, from the opposition and from the ruling coalition, have sharply criticized H. Seehofer for his visit to Moscow, believing that he “allows the master of the Kremlin to draw him into his political games”.
Among the parties that consistently support Ukraine and speak in favor of a hard line against Russia are as follows: the CDU/CSU, “Free Liberals”, “Party Alliance 90/The Greens”. Judging by the publications and speeches in German and Russian media, the greatest number of “friends of Putin” are in the following German political parties: the “Social Democratic Party of Germany”, “Party of the Left”, “Alternative for Germany” and the “National Democratic Party”. The Kremlin is actively working with these political forces, and strongly supports them. Although these games cannot be called openly “pro-Putin's”, but in many cases and situations they support the Kremlin's policies.
Apart from the aforementioned pro-Russian parties, the Kremlin's interests in Germany are also defended by a number of German politicians, scientists, journalists and public figures. At the end of October 2014, the German weekly Der Spiegel published material, which shows that the Kremlin's propaganda had created a squad of pro-Moscow experts (“flock of moles”) with the task to form a public point of view that Germany allegedly sided with Russia in the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation.
The Kremlin's Information-Propaganda Operations in the FRG
In Putin's Russia, propaganda and information-psychological operations have long been an integral part of the Kremlin's foreign and domestic policy. It is common knowledge that the Kremlin spends huge sums on the work of its propaganda machine. For example, US Congressman Dan Mike believes that over the past few years, Putin has spent on propaganda more than nine billion dollars. According to the congressman, “... Putin has created enemies not only in Ukraine, but throughout the Western world”.
In Europe, Germany is the priority object of the Kremlin's propaganda, particularly its Russian-speaking inhabitants, whose number exceeds four (!) million. A powerful tool of the Kremlin's propaganda in Germany and in Europe is the TV channel Russia Today (RT) with its annual budget of 350 million US dollars. For comparison: the financing of the Russian service of the “Voice of America” is 13 million US dollars a year. Using the financial possibilities of “Gazprom” and propaganda of “Rossotrudnichestvo”, whose office is located in Berlin, the Kremlin holds information-propaganda operations in Germany, using temporary contradictions between the East and the West of Germany, pacifist and anti-American sentiments of the German society.
Commenting on cynical lies of the Kremlin propaganda about Russia's alleged non-interference in the “internal Ukrainian conflict in the Donbas”, a representative of the MADSACK Media Group Frank Lindscheid stated: “We have long wanted to believe that Russia will become a democratic country, and we wanted to believe so at the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis. But now it's in the past. Today, Germans are proud of what we have achieved over the past decades, and they do not like it when someone makes fools of them”.
Despite the fact that the Russian propaganda has a support among certain strata of the population in European countries, it does face the growing resistance and criticism from the vast majority of the European community. In September 2015, the leadership of NATO recognized the fiasco of the Russian information war against the West and in particular, against Germany. According to the Head of the NATO's Public Diplomacy Department Gerlinde Niehus, “in Germany the critical attitude to Russia has grown substantially, more than 70 % of Germans are very critical about modern Russia and Putin's policy. People at large began realizing clearly how much Russia is based on its own lies, how hard it tries to confuse us, disorient us and eventually to make us incapable for drawing our own conclusions”.
In March 2015, the head of the European diplomacy Federica Mogherini offered the EU Member-States a plan to counter the Russian misinformation campaign, which is in particular used by the Kremlin to distort the truth in regard to Moscow's aggression against Ukraine. According to the German weekly Die Zeit, in September 2015 a working group of experts was created (Eastern Strategic Communications Team) in order to oppose the EU's point of view against that of Russian propagandists in Eastern Europe on the events in Europe and in Ukraine. It was also reported that Poland and the Netherlands took an initiative to create a Russian-language TV channel to counter Russian propaganda.
The authoritative German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung wrote: “First, Putin divided the Germans by view on what is going on. But now he, on the contrary, is uniting us”. According to the poll conducted by the Allensbach Institute for Public Opinion Research, 55 % of German citizens consider Russia responsible for the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine. The same number of the respondents called Moscow's actions aggression. Only 7 % of the respondents believe that Moscow will protect people in the East of Ukraine from “the Kyiv junta's” persecution. 8 % of Germans are positive about the Russian President, 66 % — are negative.
The well-known German journalist Boris Reitschuster, who had lived in Moscow for 20 years from 1991 to 2011, had been a friend of B. Nemtsov and has written 5 books about Russia (one of them was published in Ukraine in 2014 under the title “Putinokratiya”), considers that the strategic goal of Putin's European policy is weakening and disintegration of the European Union, and for this purpose he is trying first of all to destabilize Germany, acting by old Soviet methods, namely — by massive backstage manipulation, misinformation and deliberate corrupting to discredit and “schroederize” the German ruling elite. B. Reitschuster has said that he “has credible information from reliable sources that the Kremlin has a plan of action against Merkel... and what is happening now is a hybrid attack on Germany to remove Angela Merkel from the post of Chancellor”, that, according to him, will be the first step towards disorientation and disintegration of the critically-minded majority of the EU's leaders, who support sanctions against the Kremlin. In April 2016, will be published B. Reitschuster's sixth book — “Putin's Secret War” in which the author talks about the Russian special services' subversive special operations and information wars in Germany.
The Kremlin's Gas “Trojan Horse” in Germany
Traditionally, and especially in the “Putin era”, the Kremlin has used energy supplies, not just as an element of economic cooperation, but also as a tool of “energy diplomacy” and of the political influence of the Russian Federation as an “energy superpower.” According to the Swedish Defence Research Agency, for the period from 1991 to 2006, Russia used “energy policy of pressure” 55 times, and in 16 of them, “Gazprom” was a tool of the Kremlin.
In the development of Russia-German economic cooperation and political relations, a strategically important role is played by the energy industry. Thus, in 2014 the share of Russian energy carriers in Germany's energy imports was as follows: the share of natural gas — 36 %, the share of crude oil — 30 % and the share of coal — 23 %. Currently, among the European countries Germany consumes the largest volumes of Russian natural gas. In 2014, Germany bought 38.7 billion cubic meters of Russian gas of 159.4 billion cubic meters of gas supplied by “Gazprom” to foreign countries that is about 25 %. In 2015, Germany bought 43.5 billion cubic meters of Russian gas.
In early September 2005, shortly before his retirement, G. Schroeder agreed with Putin about the construction of the “Nord Stream-1” pipeline (“NS-1”) on the bottom of the Baltic Sea 1224 km long, which began working at full capacity in October 2012. Apart from Russia, which has 51 % of shares in the pipeline project “NS-1”, participate also Germany — 31 %, the Netherlands and France — 9 % each. The maximum capacity of the pipeline is 55 billion cubic meters of gas (2 lines), but for the entire period of operation since November 2011, it has never worked at full capacity. During this period, as of January 20, 2016, had been pumped 112.7 billion cubic meters of gas: in 2013 — 23.8 billion cubic meters — 43 %, in 2014 — 35.5 billion cubic meters — 65 %, and in 2015 — a record amount — 39.1 billion cubic meters — 71 %.
Despite the gas pipeline “NS-1” being not loaded to the full, Russia nevertheless strongly promotes “Nord Stream-2” (“NS-2”) gas pipeline project, arguing that according to “Gazprom”'s forecasts, the EU countries imports of natural gas will increase from 312 billion cubic meters in 2007 to 512 billion cubic meters in 2030. However, in reality, currently an opposite trend dominates — the decline in natural gas consumption in EU countries. From 2004 to 2014, natural gas consumption in the EU had decreased by 21 %, including by 11.6 % in 2014. Besides, at the beginning of 2015 Norway, which ranks third in the world in the export of gas for the first time managed to outrank Russian gas supplies to Europe in the 1st quarter of 2015. The Norwegian company “Gassco” delivered to Western Europe 29.2 billion cubic meters of gas, while “Gazprom” — 20.2 billion cubic meters.
“NS-2” is a copy of the first gas pipeline. The shareholders are the same, the shares are similar — “Gazprom” has 51 % of the shares, other participants (BASF and E.ON German companies, the French Engie, Austrian OMV and Royal Dutch Shell) have 9-10 % each. Officially, the launch of the new project was announced September 4, 2015. The main questions of the construction of “NS-2” gas pipeline were discussed October 28, 2015 in Moscow during the meeting of Vice Chancellor and Minister of Economy and Energy of Germany Sigmar Gabriel personally with Russian President Vladimir Putin in the presence of the Chairman of the Board of OAO “Gazprom” A. Miller. S. Gabriel brought the Russians' pledges from Moscow that “Ukraine will remain a transit country for Russian gas after 2019”. According to the newspaper Die Zeit, if the federal government “sells” Europeans the project “North Stream-2” with this promise, Germany for many years will become a hostage to Russian energy policy.
February 13 2016, while in Munich, A. Miller said that the project “NS-2” would be completed on schedule before the end of 2019. According to him, in September 2016, there will be a competition for the laying of pipes and in early 2018, pipe laying will begin.
“NS-2” gas pipeline project causes severe criticism from the leaders of many EU countries who question the economic purpose of the project. Ten Eastern European countries (Bulgaria, Greece, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Poland, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia) sent to the European Commission a statement of protest against the plans to expand the existing pipeline “NS-1”. Such a statement was sent by Ukraine to the European Energy Community. As you know, earlier the European Commission did stop the construction of the “South Stream” gas pipeline. The question arises: what hinders to do the same with the “Nord Stream-2”?
During the meeting of the heads of European governments on the EU's energy policy in December 2015, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi sharply criticized the project, saying that it could enhance Europe's dependence on Russian gas and reduce the energy security of the countries of Central Europe, as well as lead to further destabilization of the situation in Ukraine. Participants of the meeting talked about the fact that the project of the pipeline “NS-2” contradicts the strategic goals of the EU Energy Union: energy security, integration of markets, energy efficiency and decarbonization, research, innovations and competition.
In response to criticism of her outraged colleagues, Chancellor Merkel said, “Nord Stream-2” is “first and foremost an economic project with the participation of private investments, not related to politics”. At the same time, Merkel believes that Ukraine should continue to play a significant role in the transit of gas supplies to Europe, and after the construction of the gas pipeline “NS-2”...
The German Chancellor's inconsistency in the issue of energy security of the EU is a matter of sharp criticism even from its allies and partners. Thus, the statement of the ruling “Law and Justice Party” of Poland, pointed out that the project “NS-2” not only takes away from Ukraine and Poland revenues from the transit of Russian gas to Europe, but also “is an alliance of Germany and the Russian Federation at the expense of interests of Poland, Ukraine and other countries in the region.” Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi accused Merkel of double standards because she was against the project “South Stream”, but stood up for the “Nord Stream-2”. But despite the criticism, Chancellor of Germany seems not yet ready to stop the construction of the pipeline that undermines the unity of the EU. And this is exactly what Putin seeks, using his “energy weapon”.
According to many European experts, the introduction of the gas pipeline “NS-2” would lead to the Russian gas monopoly “Gazprom”'s increasing the share of its presence in the German market from 40 % to 60 %, which would actually lead to the collapse of the energy strategy of the European Union. And in Germany itself, many experts and politicians say that the implementation of the project “NS-2” would cause irreparable damage to Germany's reputation as a reliable political leader of the United Europe.
Speaking to journalists on February 26 in Brussels, the Head of the European Council Donald Tusk said that the “Nord Stream-2” does not comply with EU standards in the field of diversification of energy carriers sources. European Commissioner for Climate Action and Energy Miguel Arias Cañete stated in the European Parliament that the new Russian gas pipeline in the Baltic Sea would not just increase dependence on one supplier, but would also limit the choice of gas supply routes. Therefore, he said, the “Nord Stream-2” would never be a project meeting common European interest.
Ukraine would be the one who would suffer most from the project of “NS-2”. Firstly, our country would lose about two billion Euros annually from the transit of Russian gas to Europe. Secondly, we would lose the gas reversal from Eastern European countries. The question arises: Why build a gas pipeline “NS-2”, if the capacity of the Ukrainian gas transport system on the border with Russia is 288 billion cubic meters, and in 2015, it transported a total of 64 billion cubic meters of Russian gas? The answer is clear: to punish Ukraine for the course of European integration and its unwillingness to surrender to Moscow.
That's what President of Ukraine P. Poroshenko said during his meeting (March 1 in Kyiv) with the European Commission Vice President for Energy Union Maroš Šefčovič, stressing his position on the gas pipeline project “Nord Stream-2”. “It is a purely political project. The “Nord Stream-2” should be blocked. We count on the European Commission's support, because this is a means of punishing Ukraine for its European aspirations,” said P. Poroshenko.
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Since 2014, the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation more and more influences the development of the Russian Federation's relations with almost all European countries and the European Union in general. This is precisely due to the fact that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict from the very beginning was part of the Kremlin's current policy to revise the existing world order and the security architecture in Europe, which has developed since the adoption of the Helsinki Declaration of August 1, 1975, and included the inviolability of borders and territorial integrity of States, non-interference into internal affairs of foreign countries and strengthening of trust between countries.
The vast majority of German politicians and the German people are increasingly aware of possible threats for Germany and Europe, which may arise in case of Russia's large-scale aggression against Ukraine. Therefore, the German government's policy, led by Angela Merkel has a strong social base and sufficient support to enable consistent pursuing of Berlin's current course to consolidation of the European Community in order to strengthen security in Europe and further consolidation of European values.
As repeatedly stated by German Chancellor A. Merkel, Germany's strategic goal is to deter Putin's “hybrid” neo-imperialism and to force the Kremlin by applying economic sanctions, to comply with the principles of the existing European security system. A. Merkel was almost the only European leader who from the beginning of Russia's aggression against Ukraine has taken a tough stance against President V. Putin. It was A. Merkel who initiated sanctions against Russia because of the annexation of the Crimea and further Russia's invasion of the Donbas. It was on her initiative that the difficult negotiations in the “Norman” format were conducted in order to achieve the Minsk Agreements aimed at the cessation of hostilities in the East of Ukraine.
Conducting in Germany information-propaganda operation, manipulating some German journalists, politicians and businessmen, the Kremlin spends huge financial resources to form in that country pro-Putin public opinion and the “fifth column”. The Kremlin is trying to use part of the German business interested in cooperation with Russia, to put pressure on the German government to force it to make concessions on the issue of anti-Russian sanctions. All this demands from the German government to implement effective countermeasures, in particular — to use sanctions against the Kremlin's propaganda machine, thanks to which the Putin regime exists.
The strategic goal of Russia's “energy diplomacy”, which actually looks more like “energy weapon”, is to strengthen Russia's geopolitical influence in post-Soviet and Eastern European countries. The basis of this diplomacy can only be a large-scale promotion of Russian oil and gas companies in foreign markets, especially in the European market, which so far is the most profitable and therefore a top priority for Russia. After the Russian gas pipeline projects “Southern Stream” and “Power of Siberia” have failed, Moscow, with tripled activity began lobbying the project of gas pipelines “Nord Stream-2”, “Turkish Stream”, and now “Poseidon” project.
German Chancellor A. Merkel's support for the project “NS-2” is an arguable surprise to the leaders of many European countries, because it is absolutely against her current policy towards Russia. That is why many Europeans ask why, on the one hand, Merkel urges the Europeans to continue sanctions against Russia for the sake of Atlantic solidarity, and on the other — agrees to the construction of “NS-2”, which may negate the effectiveness of the sanctions and make them purely formal?
In our view, the European Community should diplomatically and highly correctly influence German Chancellor A. Merkel and her environment, and encourage them to abandon the construction of the “Nord Stream-2”, otherwise all her attempts to restrain Putin's aggressive reflexes and to defend Ukraine will be just empty words, and the German Ostpolitik, to Putin's joy, will get an absolutely new breath.
